How Russia is helping an Asian dictator: sham elections in Myanmar

Photo: EPA/Shutterstock

Even the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, usually cautious in its criticism of its members, officially refused to recognise the election results. Malaysian Foreign Minister Mohamad Hasan said: ‘We did not send observers, and therefore we will not certify the elections.’

The country is trapped by a junta and civil war

Myanmar has been in a state of civil war for four years. It all began on 1 February 2021, when the military staged a coup and arrested the country's democratically elected leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. The coup was allegedly prompted by fraud in the 2020 elections, although international observers found no serious violations.

Since then, the country has been plunged into bloody conflict. The military junta controls only about 21% of Myanmar's territory. The rest of the territory is either in the hands of opposition and ethnic armed groups or is an active combat zone.

In the four years of this conflict, around 90,000 people have been killed; 3.5 million people have lost their homes and become internally displaced persons. Moreover, almost 20 million of the country's inhabitants are in need of humanitarian aid, and more than 15 million are suffering from food shortages. It is in these conditions that the junta has decided to hold elections.

Elections that no one attended

Why did the junta need these elections in the first place? Formally, it was all due to constitutional requirements. After the coup, the military declared a state of emergency, which, according to the constitution, can be extended twice for a maximum of six months. The last extension ended on 31 July 2025, after which elections were to be held within the next six months. But the real reasons are quite different.

In fact, the junta is trying to gain some legitimacy in the eyes of the international community. After four years of isolation and defeats on the battlefield, they need at least some illusion that they are the legitimate government. It is also important to note that China is putting pressure on the junta. Beijing believes that new elections will create some kind of constitutional framework and make the regime more predictable for the protection of Chinese investments.

The vote took place in three stages over the course of a month. It is important to note that it covered 265 of the country's 330 districts. The remaining territories are either controlled by rebels or are combat zones. It turns out that the junta held elections only in the small part of Myanmar that it controls.

Fifty-seven parties were allowed to participate in the elections, but only six of them could compete at the national level. This means that these six parties could field candidates throughout Myanmar, while the rest could only do so in one specific state or region. As a result, only these six parties can win enough seats in parliament to form a government.

At the same time, the largest opposition party, the National League for Democracy, did not participate because it was forcibly disbanded.

The military's proxy party won a ‘victory’ with 87% of all seats in parliament. According to the junta, turnout was around 52%. Independent observers, however, reported empty polling stations and mass evasion of voting by citizens.

The Russian scenario for Myanmar

It is important to understand that Russia began preparing the ground for these elections long before they took place. In September 2023, a delegation from Myanmar's Central Election Commission visited Moscow. There, they signed a Memorandum of Cooperation in Electoral Activities with the Russian Central Election Commission. The parties discussed methods of conducting elections, the use of the media to promote ‘correct’ information, and so-called ‘voter education.’ This is a euphemism for propaganda that ‘teaches’ the population to vote for the party desired by the junta.

Over the next few years, officials from Myanmar regularly travelled to Russia to study the ‘experience’ of voting, while Russian representatives of the Central Election Commission worked directly in Myanmar with the local military. The day before the first phase of the elections, the head of Myanmar's election commission met with Igor Borisov, a member of Russia's Central Election Commission, in Naypyidaw.

When it was time for the elections themselves, Russia sent a high-level delegation of observers to Myanmar. In addition to Russia, Belarus, China, Kazakhstan and Cambodia also sent observers.

Weapons instead of legitimacy

It is also important to understand that Russia's assistance in this case is not limited to electoral technology.

The Kremlin is one of the main suppliers of weapons to the Myanmar junta. 

According to the UN, in 2021-2023, Myanmar received $406 million worth of weapons from 28 Russian companies. The Myanmar military uses Russian MiG-29 fighter jets, Yak-130 combat training aircraft, Mi-17 transport helicopters and Mi-35 attack helicopters. Russia also supplies Pantsir-S1 anti-aircraft missile and gun systems and armoured vehicles. In March 2025, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing personally thanked Putin for supplying six fighter jets.

Position on Ukraine

It is particularly important for Ukrainians to know that the Myanmar junta openly supported Russian aggression against our country the very next day after the start of the full-scale invasion.

The democratic opposition in Myanmar takes the opposite position. The National Unity Government, which is currently in exile, condemned Russia's invasion and expressed solidarity with Ukraine.

The Kremlin has long been exporting its experience of election fraud and authoritarianism to various corners of the world. In this way, Moscow is building a network of allies among dictators and military regimes. That is why what is happening in Myanmar also concerns Ukraine. Every authoritarian regime that strengthens its position with Russia's help makes the world more dangerous for democracy.